The humble souvenir is rarely taken seriously, as a creative expression of a place or event, yet for the tourist its purpose is understood to be an object or artefact that, as a fragment, records just that experience. It is largely unwanted or ignored in the academic fields of anthropology and fine art and craft, or at best, grudgingly included. It is considered unauthentic by the anthropologist, because it is made as an object for exchange between cultures and is seen as operating within the Western economic exchange system. In this reading it is not regarded as an authentic artefact of a single and pure non-Western culture. The souvenir is also cast out of fine art circles, on the grounds that it is kitsch, mass-produced, and that aesthetic and formal standards are compromised by the desire for profit.
Although a number of researchers have considered the objects of tourism and their place within the history of material culture, this is the first investigation that seeks to discover and unpack the language of souvenirs that is common to all such objects. This paper, therefore, investigates the common expression and language involved in the representation of place and the recording of that experience through the souvenir...
Three categories of souvenir: sample, crafted and representative.
Formerly souvenirs have been categorised as either sampled or representative (Stewart 1984).
This paper seeks to intervene in that binary and open a space for a third group of objects and artefacts, resting between natural specimens and works of art. They are humanly produced artefacts that in the field of Museum Studies were formerly termed Romantic collections (Pearce 1995). In these collections, typified by the artefacts and objects that cluttered Wunderkammern and Cabinets of Curiosity, gathered by early modern travellers, colonial explorers, Grand Tourists, missionaries and anthropologists, is found the genesis of the crafted souvenir. Many of the artefacts found in these collections were souvenired by the collector, rather than produced as souvenirs and, in this respect, should be viewed as proto-souvenirs. The argument for this status is that proper souvenirs should demonstrate some variation from the traditional artefact and should also show a response to an engagement with another culture. This is asserted in the key definition from the founder of studies in tourist art, Nelson Graburn (1976), who describes souvenirs as the art of one culture made specifically for the consumption of another.
Working initially from this definition of tourist art, it is possible to discover many important aspects of the souvenir that have, so far, not been widely discussed. By investigating how the souvenir is designed and consumed it is possible to show that the maker has not always produced the souvenir freely. Indeed, the consumer exerts a significant influence on the character of the souvenir and this is manifested in the demand for tourist artefacts that demonstrate, what is, perceived to be, typical of the visited culture. A further finding is that the unique one-off product is unlikely to succeed as a souvenir, because its function as a souvenir is reliant upon the authorisation of the ephemeral community of tourists in recognising what is typical (Steiner 1999).
While the tourist is confined by the expectations of what is typical, the souvenir maker is constrained by the environment and or traditions of his or her heritage that is, after all, central to the formulation of the tourist attraction itself. So the artist must respond to his or her natural and, or, cultural environment. Following the early theories of the tourist gaze developed by MacCannell (1976) and later Urry (1990), Rojek (1997) and others, this underlying characteristic maybe interpreted as fetishistic in that the fetish object and the souvenir share many features of unsubstantiated value (Marx 1951, Freud 1962, Strauss 1958, Geisz 1979, Apter & Peitz 1993).
In order to establish a third category of souvenir it is necessary to first investigate Stewart's binary classification of souvenirs as "Sampled" and "Representative" (1984 pp. 135-136), also termed "Naturalia" and "Artificialia" by Pearce (1995 p 123). There are a number of limitations to this binary classification, that call for a third category to be introduced, which I have described as "Crafted". This new category accounts for souvenirs that appeal to tourists as natural samples of the site but are also enhanced through the imagination and skill of local artists and craftspeople. From this three distinct categories of souvenirs may be established, the Sampled, typified by the sea shell, the Crafted, typified by a carved wooden artefact of a rare endemic tree species, specific to the visited area and the Representative, typified by the postcard, that is mass produced with no link to the tourist site it represents other than image.
In Stewart’s classification "Sampled" objects are defined as souvenirs of individual experience. They are real samples from the actual site and are not available as general consumer goods. (Stewart 1984) Sampled objects consist of objects that are collected directly by the tourist, with no intervention or mediation by the host culture. These objects are, in their purest form, literally samples of the environment. They take the shape of sea shells or pebbles washed smooth by the tide, wild flowers dried and pressed, or animal remains. This type of souvenir-collecting finds its history in those collections gathered by the scientific company of early explorers such as Joseph Banks and conforms to what Pearce (1995 pp.87-108) calls "systematic collection" in that the imperative was to relate the exotic sample to the known botanical system.
Stewart's second category, the "Representative", is defined as those "souvenirs of exterior sights…which most often are representations and are purchasable." (Stewart 1984 p.138.) Here she places all other souvenirs; objects that may properly be called artefacts, in that they are produced from human mediation and interpretation. This class of souvenir includes postcards, wilderness posters, calendars and other re-presentations of the site. It also embraces crafted objects, such as Stewart's own example of a miniature basket (Stewart 1984 p.138.) and other crafted souvenirs like clay pots, Aboriginal coolamons, didgeridoos and boomerangs, Huon pine trinkets, convict and colonial artefacts. It is the purpose of this project to explain why the latter category should be further divided into the Representative and the new category, which I have defined as the Crafted.
Leaving in place Stewart's Sampled grouping, the revised Representative category takes account of the mass production of souvenirs, made from non-native or generic media such as postcards. These are distinct from crafted artefacts, in that souvenirs in the Crafted category are reliant upon native materials, local craft traditions and frequently retain some utilitarian reference. In their ideal form, these three categories of souvenirs and their attributes are summarised, through ideal examples, in the chart below. For the the purpose of this demonstration the Crafted category is represented by a Huon pine bowl. The Huon pine: Lagarostrobos franklinii (formally Dacrydium franklinii) is an extremely rare conifer endemic to Tasmania. It is Australia’s oldest living tree and is one of the oldest living organisms on earth. It is also highly prized for the durable nature of the wood, together with it tight grain and unique aroma.
This framework favours the artefact's operation as a souvenir, rather than the museogallery categories of ethnographic artefact or work of art, that is consistent with Pearce's pre-Romantic classification of collected objects, as "Naturalia and Artificialia", from which it seems Stewart's categories are derived. It therefore engages with the Romantic sensibilities of collecting, a period commensurate with the advent of contemporary tourism.
A further strength of this expanded typology is that it permits the analysis of Western and non-Western artefacts within the same framework. This is more expansive than Graburn's typology, because, while Graburn (1976 p.4) alluded to Western craft in his analysis as folk art, the scope of his typology is not inclusive of souvenirs of the Western past.
The above chart uses ideal object/artefacts to establish the new typology of souvenirs that, inturn, will elicit a visual expression of the individual souvenir's language and further indicate the souvenir potential of objects and artefacts hitherto unaffected by the tourist industry. This visual expression is formed of graphic patterns that are constituted from five principal attributes that occur, to varying degrees, in all souvenirs. It is the play between these attributes that gives rise to the pattern of expression that is related to the ideal types charted above.
Five Expressive Attributes of the souvenir
I want to begin by qualifying the details of each attribute that, like the vowels of language or the primary colours of the artist's palette, form the cornerstones of souvenir expression.
The five axis points and what they measure are summarised as follows:
This assesses the importance of the raw material that constitutes the souvenir and the significance of this in the object/artefacts activity as a souvenir.
This assesses the level of human intervention that the object/artefact has undergone and how important it is to its function as a souvenir.
Defines what the object/artefact relates to.
This measures the object/artefact's capacity to absorb the tourist's narrative.
This investigates where and how the inherent narrative of the object/artefact resides.
The following typology identifies the degree of the attribute's activity in each of the three discrete classes of souvenirs, that distinguishes them from one another. The presence of each attribute is assessed using a scale between one (1) and ten (10). Following this a number of souvenirs of each type are presented and their distinguishing attributes charted, showing how they vary in their expression, but retain the basic patterns outlined in the ideal or typical souvenirs.
What material constitutes the object/artefact and what is the importance of this material in its activity as a souvenir?
The term 'medium' is self-explanatory and refers to the raw and/or mediated state of the material from which the artefact is made. Consistent with Stewart's division based on the economics of collection, I have used this fundamental feature to initially determine between the Sampled and the other two categories. By isolating the Medium axis it is possible to see how the Sampled souvenir is produced of raw natural material from the visited site, without the intervention of the host culture. The Sampled souvenir is, as Stewart recognises (1984 p.136.), therefore reliant upon the tourist's recognition of its capacity to signify the experience of the site. On the other hand, the Crafted souvenir is also of a raw natural material of the site but is interpreted through the craft of the host culture. At the other end of the scale the Representative souvenir carries no marker of the visited site in its medium. The most important feature of Sampled souvenirs is, therefore, their presence as genuine fragments of the experienced site. In the light of this I have allotted a value scale from ten (10) to one (1) along this axis beginning with the Sampled category on the left at ten (10). This reflects the overriding importance of the endemic medium in the Sampled souvenir. It then slides along to the Crafted group at the median point with a value of five (5), recognising the raw materials' augmentation through craft and its contribution to the activity of the artefact as a souvenir. Then finally to the Representative category with a value of one (1) that is not dependent on an endemic medium to refer to the visited site. This scale of assessment from ten (10) to one (1) beginning with the Sampled category is not constant for each attribute. The only other axis in which it is found is the 'Invitational', as will be shown shortly.
What level of human intervention has the object/artefact undergone and how important is it to its function as a souvenir?
The 'Makers mark' axis refers to the authorship of the maker and measures the degree to which it is present. The sea shell is without a maker, other than the specifics of the environment from which it is collected, so is rated at one (1). The signed Huon pine bowl, like many other minor species timber souvenirs, often carries the maker's mark on the underside. In this way the artist's attribution is present but not dominant and therefore, like most crafted souvenirs of that type, attracts a rating of five (5). The Landscape postcard, like the work of art, most often features the photographer's signature in a prominent position and so is rated at ten (10). However, this is not the case with all postcards, as the more generic variety of postcards (Plate 2 below) are often without authorship. These fall into the same sphere as the ubiquitous mass-produced mugs with national flags printed upon them, that are produced far away from the site they purport to represent and attract a rating of one (1) along this axis in line with the sea shell. It is the rating of their other attributes, such as the preceding 'Medium axis' that set them apart from the sea shell example.
This axis becomes rather cluttered with souvenirs that rest between the three key points shown above and include, for instance, unattributed Huon pine souvenirs like the many lathe-turned minor species timber fruit objects, honey dippers or cheese sets, for sale in various souvenir outlets. Unlike the exampled bowl these souvenirs do not carry the craft person's signature. They are instead attributed collectively to the company that produced them, if at all, and importantly that company is located within or near the site of reference. Due to this collective authorship such souvenirs are plotted near the Sampled end of the scale. They are more reliant on the distinctive medium for their souvenir activity and rest between the sea shell and the exampled Huon pine bowl as shown below.
At this point it is possible to see how the Crafted souvenir signifies a touristic engagement with the environment and heritage of the visited site and most importantly the people of that site. It can be seen, in the example of the unsigned Huon pine souvenir, that the Sampled aspect of the souvenir relates to the specific environment of the site and that this persists in the crafted artefact.
What does the object/artefact relate to?
The 'Relational' axis of the souvenir refers to the underlying motive behind its collection. As a narrative component this axis seeks to define the thematic base of the object or artefact, framed as a souvenir. This feature gauges the relationship between the tourist and the site. Some souvenirs relate the tourist's experience of the site alone, while others speak of the people that inhabit that site. This axis assesses that relationship and begins with those restricted to references of the environmental specifics of the place. This is rated as one (1); then, sliding along to those that relate to people and place, these are rated at five (5) and finally people and/or place, rated at ten (10).
This axis addresses the feature or features of the visited site that are embedded in the souvenir. In the ideal examples it can be seen that the sea shell's reference is confined to the place of its collection. This is due to its raw nature in that it has not been mediated by the people of that site. In this case it is not invested with any narrative of human heritage and is reliant upon the collector for its meaning.
In contrast, the ideal Crafted souvenir always consists of a raw material extracted from the site but is mediated by the artists/crafts people of the site. This fixes the relational feature of this category of souvenirs as one of people and place. These first two groups of souvenirs therefore attract values of one (1) and five (5) respectively.
The 'Relational' axis is completed by the Representative category to which I have allotted a value of ten (10). As we have seen, this category of souvenir is produced from a generic medium that is not drawn from the site and is typified by the postcard. Unlike the Sampled group it is not restricted to referencing place alone, nor does it insist on a people and place reference, governed by medium and craft. The Representative souvenir is perhaps the most flexible souvenir on this axis and has the capacity to relate to people and/or place due to its reliance on imagery alone.
The 'Relational' axis, illustrated above, is also complicated by souvenirs that range along its length. For instance, the landscape postcard, while clearly falling within the Representative category of souvenirs, due to its lack of endemic medium, may equally be situated closer to the Crafted category, in that the style of photography has been developed in and around the visited site. However, it will never meet the fundamental quality of the Crafted souvenir, based, as it is, upon the insistence of specific local material.
In the instance of the Dombrovskis style of landscape photography (Plate 46) we have a fine example of these atypical Representative souvenirs. The name Dombrovskis is uniquely associated with the Tasmanian wilderness and, since his notoriety achieved with images of the Franklin River during the early 1980s and his untimely death some years later, many erstwhile photographic artists have followed in his footsteps and style taking the Tasmanian wilderness, as their primary subject, producing high definition, deep colour wilderness images in a range of formats, from fine art prints to glossy coffee table texts and postcards. Postcards and other photographic medium souvenirs of a Dombrovskian style now compete with the more generic postcards of views of Tasmania. However, the Dombrovskian postcard always carries the signature of the artist and so alludes to a crafted photographic engagement with the site and therefore, through its demonstration of local craftspeople engaging with the site, should be plotted closer to the Crafted category along this axis. This demonstrates the flexibility of this group of souvenirs, in that they may relate to people and/or place depending on the subject of the image.
What is the object/artefact's capacity to absorb the tourist's narrative?
This is the second of two reverse scales of assessment. The 'Invitational' axis assesses the way the narrative of the souvenir is progressed. It refers to and favours the souvenir's capacity to accept the collector's narrative of experience and therefore assesses the completeness of the souvenir's narrative prior to collection. For instance, the sea shell contains no anecdotal narrative of the site, so invites the collector to supply its meaning as a souvenir. The sea shell's souvenir narrative is therefore open, its invitational qualities are high and it is allotted a value of ten (10). The Crafted example, on the other hand, carries a value of five (5). Due to its mediated state it has been interpreted by the maker and a souvenir narrative set in train. However, by retaining some utility in its form and being produced from a medium specific to the site, it invites further narrative enhancement from the collector that builds upon that established by the maker. Its invitationality is therefore moderate and like a door left ajar is neither closed nor open. The ornamental Crafted souvenir is, however, less invitational because of its lack of utility and so is plotted more toward the Representative category.
The Representative group of souvenirs are moreover, closed in their invitational capacity and are allotted a value of one (1), reflecting the closed and completeness of their narrative. These souvenirs are clear in the site they represent through the images of well-known features of the visited site. For instance, a postcard featuring views of Tasmania is overtly labelled (see fig. 2) and is unequivocal about the site it represents. It is therefore full and explicit in its testimony of people and/or place and requires no augmentation from the collector. The same may be said of other postcards or printed matter, such as a postcard of Sydney harbour, featuring the Harbour Bridge and Opera House. An image of Uluru also attracts the same value, as does a Dombrovskian postcard of Cradle Mountain. (fig. 3) These Representative souvenirs are all high in the volume of their narrative content, which is made complete by the producer. These types of souvenir leave the viewer in no doubt as to what the souvenir represents and do not insist on the collector to contribute to their narrative. It may, however, be argued that the reverse of all postcards provides a space for the tourist's narrative. But this space is negligible and is normally filled with the message that the sender is at the site and arrived safely, all of which can be ascertained from a glance at the image on the front. The use of the postcard for this purpose is, moreover, one of correspondence and not for the purpose of enhancing the collector's knowledge of the visited site. It is as a small poster or readymade photograph that the postcard operates as a souvenir. They are consequently low in their invitational capacity.
If we contrast the built-in fullness of the postcard to the exampled sea shell it can be seen that the nature of the sea shell's narrative is far from obvious and relies upon the collector's explanation. That is the artefact does not indicate its site of collection in itself; rather, it is in Stewart's terms (1984 p.136.) "impoverished". In this respect the fullness of the narrative occurs post-collection, through the expansive development of the fetishistic narrative that is at the core of the tourist's attraction to the fragment. For the conventional fetish narrative is furtive, hidden and quiet, while the object itself may be invested with almost any meaning and is therefore fully invitational.
These sampled objects are moreover, but not always made of a material that is endemic to the site. China fragments are an anomalous example of this, in that the material may come from afar and is also crafted. However, the manner in which these souvenirs are collected, that is as found objects, sees these fragments plotted more toward the Sampled than the Crafted category. This degree of narrative completeness can be best tracked through the following diagram in which I have isolated the 'Invitational' axis, along which the invitational capacity of individual souvenirs of various types may be plotted.
Where and how does the inherent narrative of the object/artefact reside?
The last of these narrative components explores the 'iconic and fetishistic nature of the souvenir and is a further refinement of the souvenir's intrinsic narrative quality. This narrative feature is perhaps the most slippery, and requires a reassessment the notion that the conventional narrative of the fetish is closed and circular. To that end some time is needed to establish the argument that the qualities of the fetish embodied in the souvenir do not make its narrative potential closed and circular; rather the souvenir's narrative potential is of an expansive nature. The 'Iconofetish' axis seeks to plot the development of this quality in each class of souvenir.
This attribute gauges the degree of, what I have termed, 'largesse' to be found in the souvenir; that is the iconographic reception of the artefact. This refers more clearly to the complex content of the narrative, while the 'Relational' axis is concerned with the narrative in its simple reference to place, people and place, and people and/or place. This attribute is concerned with the sacred quality and value of the souvenir's features, as authorised or not, through the collective gaze of the tourist and host community. It is concerned with the socio-historical nature of the narrative rather than the bald forms to which the souvenir refers. In terms of tourism, form is largely discounted in favour of meaning, that is the meaning that the tourist can attach to the object/artefact, which is the subject of iconography, which, following Panofsky “...concerns itself with the subject matter or meaning of works of art, as opposed to their form.” (1972, p.3)
This iconic status is most prevalent in the Representative category of souvenirs, especially the photographic type. For instance, postcards almost always feature subject matter read as iconic and in turn produce an iconic image, such as Sydney Harbour Bridge, Uluru or Cradle Mountain. This is due to their extremely high heritage value and untouchable status. The intrinsic meaning bound up in heritage is discovered by "…ascertain(ing) those underlying principles which reveal the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious or philosophical persuasion…condensed into one work" (Panofsky 1972. p 7). To sample those sites in the terms described by Stewart would be a sacrilegious act, although it does happen. (See Stewart (1984) p.136). Certain styles of Representative souvenir also tend to carry an iconographic quality that is less tangible. The Dombrovskian style of landscape photography is one example; so, too, is Central Desert Aboriginal Dot Painting in which the style of image, rather than the image itself, is understood as typical and distinctive of the site in the same way Steiner (1999) argues that the tourist will seek the same or similar objects and ignore the one-off product. He suggests that this is due to the overriding need for the souvenir to represent the character of the visited site and culture among the disparate community of tourists. Here the souvenir not only needs to carry the narrative to the collector, but it must also be recognised for what it is by other tourists that have experienced the same site. In other words, it must be characteristic of the experience and place it represents. To that end, the singular or one-off artwork fails as a souvenir, unless it includes a reference to the site by style, image or specific medium (See Steiner 1999). It may be argued that all tourist destinations contain at least one iconic feature, though it may often be intangible such as the sunshine associated with the state of Queensland.
It is this important characteristic of seriality that introduces the fetishistic features of the souvenir, others being that of surplus value (Marx 1951 and Freud 1962), incompleteness (Stewart 1984), the sustaining of time (Baudrillard 1998) and as Pearce, writing about the act of collecting puts it the souvenir’s “...own magical power to reinforce and enhance these ideas.” (1995 pp.406-407) Like magic, the souvenir has the ability to imaginatively transport the collector back to the time and place of the experience. It conjures an experiential past in which the collector is able to imagine him/herself situated as an indelible part. This capacity becomes more dominant over time, as the recollection of the experience begins to rely, more and more, on the conjuring ability of the souvenired object. As the fetish object escapes the confinement of the conventional circular narrative and becomes familiar, or iconic, to a larger audience, it does so without loss to its fetishistic worth - defined through its status as a fragment with unsubstantiated value.
Following such theories of the fetish and souvenir as a fragment, the next step is to recognise the relationship between the souvenir as fetish and the private aspect of its narrative ( Freud 1962 p.154.) and its function, according to Apter and Pietz (1993) as a "historical" object, the enduring material form and force of an unrepeatable event" that lead to a relationship between the icon and the fetish object, thereby permitting its leakage from the deeply personal and furtive sphere of collecting and display, into the domestic and then public space. The 'Iconofetish axis' thereby plots and gauges the quality of this allure in the souvenir in that it seeks to discover the fetishistic and iconic appeal inherent, to some degree, in the activity of all souvenir objects and artefacts and assesses it through its mode and site of display from personal space and meaning through to public display and meaning agreed upon by the broad community of tourists.
There is quite clearly nothing iconic about a sea shell gathered from the beach, unless it is a specific type for which the site is recognised. In a case such as this, the specific sea shell is likely to be found in the Crafted and Representative category of souvenir also. Coral from the Great Barrier Reef is a good example of a popular Sample souvenir, furtively gathered by tourists and, also collected as a raw material for crafting jewellery. The red sand of the Central Australian Desert may also be viewed in this way, and I will examine this particular and sampled icon later.
Moreover the iconic, in relation to the souvenir's narrative content, refers to the level of the public's broad reception of the artefact, demonstrated through its mode of display. This can be gauged by what might be termed the 'largesse' that is afforded the site of representation. That is, the site's notoriety or fame within the public perception, which has much to do with the communal value afforded the site or object that the souvenir represents. This may be ascertained through the environment in which the artefact or object is curated and reflects the popularity of the site, or object. This in turn has the effect of distancing the tourist from the iconic feature, which prohibits the collection of Sampled and Crafted artefacts and promotes the production of Representative souvenirs. Souvenirs of iconic sites, events and objects may be discovered in each class of souvenir, but the Representative category is the most common. By isolating this axis as follows it can be seen how the 'Iconofetish' features of our ideal souvenirs may be mapped.
Analysis and Application
In this section the above theory is applied to the analysis of a range of souvenirs. The five attributes are drawn together in order to judge the expression of each souvenir by the area covered and pattern described in the following graphs.
In the above graphic summaries of the visual expression of individual souvenirs I have categorised souvenir objects and artefacts into the previously established three discreet groups.
These graphs are not meant to prove that one souvenir language is superior to another. They are provided only to show the pattern of the individual souvenir's expressive language and its relationship to that of other souvenirs.
Beginning with the ideal examples it can be seen how the strength of the typical Sampled souvenir rests along the 'Medium' and 'Invitational' axis. The Crafted souvenir is typified by an equal spread along each axis, while the area covered by the Representative example is dominated by the 'Relational' and 'Iconofetish' attributes.
David L Hume
Apter, E. (1993) "Introduction." in Apter, E. and Pietz, W. (Eds.) Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press.
Baudrillard, J. (1998) The Consumer society: myths and structures. London: Sage.
Freud, S. (1962) Civilisation and its discontents. New York: WW. Norton.
Geisz, L. (1979)"Kitsch-man as tourist." in Dorfles, G. Kitsch: The world of bad taste.
New York: Bell Publishing,
Graburn, N. (Ed.) (1976) Ethnic and Tourist Arts: Cultural Expressions from the Fourth World. Berkeley: University of California Press. Impey, O. (1997) Chinoiserie: The impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
Levi-Strauss, C. (1958)Structural Anthropology Volume 1. New York and London: Basic Books.
MacCannell, D. (1976) The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. U.S: MacMillan.
MacCannell, D. (1992) Empty Meeting Grounds. London and New York: Routledge.
Marx, K. (1951) Theories of Surplus Value. London: Lawrence & Wishart.
Panofsky, E. (1972) Studies in Iconology. New York: Harper & Row.
Pearce, S. (1995) On Collecting: An investigation into collecting in the European
tradition. London: Routledge.
Rojek, C. (1997) "Indexing, Dragging And The Social Construction Of Tourist Sights." in Rojek, C. & Urry, J. (Eds) Touring Cultures: Transformations of Travel and Theory. London: Routledge.
Steiner, C. B. (1999) "Authenticity, Repetition
and the Aesthetics of Seriality: The Work of Tourist Art in the Age of Mechanical
Reproduction." in Phillips, R. B. and Steiner, B. (Eds) Unpacking Culture - Art and
Commodity in Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds. Berkeley: University of California
Stewart, S. (1984) On Longing. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1984
Urry, J. (1990) The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies. London: Sage Publications